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SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, good morning.

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Thank you, Thomas, for the kind introduction,
the kind words.

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Thank you, too, for the warm welcome.

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I have felt it everywhere.

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I was commenting that I’m going to be here
in Germany for two days.

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I don’t think I’ve been two days any one
place in the last three years, and it has

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been a blessing and wonderful, and you all
have been so gracious to me and to my team.

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I want to thank Foreign Minister Maas, too.

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He spent the whole day with me yesterday.

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It was a great show of hospitality and friendship.

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We traveled a good part of your country.

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And I want to thank the Korber Foundation.

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You all have been so gracious to host us in
this beautiful building.

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I love your founder’s mantra ̶ talking
with people.

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Fantastic.

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Not about them.

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I wish that happened in Washington.

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(Laughter.)

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I can handle Twitter storms, too.

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As many of you know, I am from the great state
of Kansas.

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It’s right smack dab in the center of the
United States of America.

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And we have been welcoming Germans, German
immigrants, since the 1800s.

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They founded towns that I know people in and
have campaigned in, towns like Bremen, a little

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town called Humboldt, Stuttgart – you know.

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(Laughter.)

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It’s Germans like those people that I know
so well from Kansas who helped build America.

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But my personal connection to your great country,
and to the German people, began in the fall

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of 1986, as a younger, thinner, more daring
Army second lieutenant, in a place called

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Bindlach – we’re not far from, by the
way.

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I am one of millions of Americans who have
lived in Germany since the founding of the

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Federal Republic back in 1949.

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My tour, my time on station here, happened
towards the end of the Cold War, but my fellow

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soldiers and I know that we had no idea that
it was, in fact, close to the end.

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We did midnight emergency drills and exercises
within sight of a militarized border.

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Would the next patrol – I patrolled the
border from the tri-zonal point in Czechoslovakia

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then, Czechoslovakia up and through Hof and
through Modlareuth.

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Would the next patrol be our last?

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This was very real.

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It seems hard to imagine for the young people
in either of our two countries.

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We didn’t know.

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But we knew we had the ultimate advantage.

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We had national leaders with a deep faith
in God, and human dignity, that had confidence

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in free peoples, with the courage of their
convictions, who also had patience and persistence.

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They built our peoples’ resolve.

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They made the case to their respective peoples.

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They built our institutions and alliances
so that we could collectively prevail over

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communism and over evil.

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And behind the Iron Curtain, a brave and noble
group of East German citizens refused to remain

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chained inside a communist system that denied
the inherent worth of every individual.

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Indeed, they are the real heroes of this story.

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I had a chance to meet with a few of them
last night in Leipzig.

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Together, we won the Cold War: Germany, Germany
and the United States, and all of our Allies

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and partners.

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And so it’s why I am really thrilled and
happy to be here.

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It’s why I’m so proud – speaking mere
feet from where the Wall once stood – to

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celebrate its demise now three decades ago.

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Sometimes we need to take a victory lap.

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We get caught up in the challenge of the day
and we forget the greatness that we have achieved

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to lift billions of people out of horrific
conditions, and that we did so together.

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But as we celebrate, as we take this victory
lap, we must also recognize that freedom is

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never guaranteed.

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We spoke to this.

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It doesn’t just happen.

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Today, authoritarianism is just a stone’s
throw away.

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It’s rising.

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And if we’re honest, it never really went
away completely.

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And I see there’s members of the Bundestag
here, business leaders here in Germany.

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It’s up to us, all of us.

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It’s up to us to secure our freedom and
our future together, and that is the subject

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of what I want to talk about today, how the
United States and Germany can do this together,

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must do this together, for the good of our
peoples and for the good of the world.

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Now, I know, too, that many of you in the
audience today – no matter what side of

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the Wall you grew up on ‒ won’t forget
the horrors of the German Democratic Republic.

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In 1961, the Vopos first jackhammered this
city’s pavement and laid the cornerstones

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of cruelty.

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Those stones became 27 miles of wall snaking
through the German capital, dividing a people.

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The Wall wasn’t there to keep the West out.

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It was there to keep the East German people
in.

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That’s how authoritarian regimes operate
then.

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It’s how they operate today.

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They force people against their own will to
not have the capacity to sustain themselves

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and be dependent on that regime.

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President Reagan thought that communism was
a “disease” and he called it an “insanity.”

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How right he was.

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We should never forget how many millions of
people suffered and died from the communist

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cause in the 20th century.

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Indeed, the bleakness of East Germany was
clear to me too, when I was stationed here.

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I could see it, although only from a distance,
and only a short distance across that border.

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But I knew – I was young, I was in my early
20s – but what kind of country needed bricks

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and barbed wire and machine guns just to keep
its people from fleeing, and they needed a

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Stasi to keep people from talking?

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Yesterday, I had a chance to go revisit some
of the same ground I walked when I was in

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my early 20s.

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I saw the tools of terror from the perspective
of the other side.

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I’d never been across that piece of terrain
before.

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I’d seen Modlareuth, but only from one side.

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Yesterday, I got to see it from the other
side.

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And yet for all of that, for all of that governmental
power, all of that authoritarianism, the GDR

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couldn’t crush the human spirit.

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The Germans maintained their imperishable
hope of freedom and a better future even under

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that authoritarian regime.

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Countless East Germans – so many of them
Berliners, and maybe some of them related

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to you that are sitting right here today – made
the daring flight against the – across the

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“kill zone” and the Wall.

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And a number of them, of course, died trying.

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Our Embassy here in Berlin, where the American
flag flies proudly today, sits on the land

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that was once in that “kill zone.”

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But East Germans knew they weren’t alone.

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They knew they had a partner.

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And they took heart from the soaring words
of leaders and deeds of Presidents Truman

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and Kennedy and Reagan.

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They remembered the East German uprising of
1953, and the Hungarian uprising just a few

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years later in 1956, and the Prague Spring
of 1968.

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And they saw.

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They saw kindred spirits all across the world.

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They saw them in Poland, the march for Solidarity.

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They felt the prayers of Pope John Paul II.

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And they saw the courage to be free in the
student protests in Tiananmen Square.

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And at their back – at their back – was
all of us.

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It was the wind of Western resolve and power.

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That mission wasn’t always easy.

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It seems as we think about the challenges
between allied partners today, the kerfuffles

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that make all the news, we think it was the
Halcyon times.

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There were challenges then, too.

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I could recount them.

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NATO suffered France’s departure from its
integrated military command in the 1960s.

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And the United States tried detente with the
Soviets, without success, later than that.

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Chancellor Kohl weathered political opposition
– enormous political opposition and protests

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when he deployed U.S. nuclear missiles in
Germany in an attempt to deter Soviet aggression.

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We shouldn’t forget that Mitterand and Thatcher
didn’t support reunification at first.

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It’s not historic for nations to have differences
in judgment at times.

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But as Reagan said, two things were absolutely
non-negotiable: our collective freedom and

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our collective future.

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We knew that deep down, deep down, a system
that was afraid of its own people could never

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be sustained.

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I believe that wholeheartedly today.

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(Applause.)

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We just didn’t – thank you.

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We just didn’t know when it would end.

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Neither the lieutenant in the field nor the
president of the United States nor the chancellor

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of Germany knew the moment that it would come,
but we knew it was absolutely imperative that

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we fight for it.

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And I think there is a real lesson there.

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There’s a lesson there for those of us who
think that authoritarian regimes are destined

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to live forever.

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They are not.

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In 1989, on the day before George H.W. Bush’s
inauguration, Erich Honecker predicted the

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Wall would stand in, quote, “fifty and even
one hundred years,” end of quote.

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I had just left.

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I left in the beginning of October of 1989
to return to my next duty assignment.

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I had no idea that I left just a couple weeks
early.

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German courage – German courage brought
it down 294 days later.

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It’s made my visit to St. Nicholas Church
last night in Leipzig particularly poignant

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for me.

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The German triumph inspired others to throw
off the chains of the Soviet empire, too,

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and secure their own freedom, their own future,
their own dignity.

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So here we are on this three-decade anniversary
celebrating a monumental victory for mankind’s

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natural longing for freedom, for this great
city of Berlin, for Germany, for the German

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people, but also for the West ‒ all of us.

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All of us had a moment after those days where
we lost our way in the afterglow of that proud

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moment.

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We thought perhaps that the collapse of communism
in Berlin and Moscow and the rest of the Eastern

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Bloc was the start of an inevitable trend
worldwide.

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There were those who wrote about the “end
of history.”

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We thought free societies would flourish everywhere.

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And in some places, they indeed have.

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But we, most importantly, thought that we
could divert our resources away from alliances

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and militaries and the things that had secured
those very freedoms.

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Sadly, we were wrong.

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We were wrong about the human condition and
the nature of the course that many countries

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might take today.

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Today, Russia – led by a former KGB officer
stationed in Dresden ‒ invades its neighbors

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and slays political opponents.

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It suppresses the independence of the Orthodox
Church in Ukraine.

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Russian authorities, even as we speak, use
police raids and torture against Crimean Tatars

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and Ukrainians who are working in opposition
to Russian aggression.

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In Chechnya, anyone considered “undesirable”
by the authorities simply disappears.

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In China – in China, the Chinese Communist
Party is shaping a new vision of authoritarianism,

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one that the world has not seen for an awfully
long time.

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The Chinese Communist Party uses tactics and
methods to suppress its own people that would

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be horrifyingly familiar to former East Germans.

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The People’s Liberation Army encroaches
on the sovereignty of its Chinese neighbors,

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and the Chinese Communist Party denies travel
privileges to critics – even German lawmakers

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– who condemn its abysmal human rights record.

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The CCP harasses the families of Chinese Muslims
in Xinjiang, who simply sought refuge abroad.

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We – all of us, everyone in this room – has
a duty.

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We must recognize that free nations are in
a competition of values with those unfree

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nations.

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The truth – this truth – wasn’t quite
apparent to us in 1989.

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That’s understandable, perhaps.

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So today, today 30 years on, we must mix celebration
with sobriety.

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We must see the world for what it truly is.

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And we must recognize who we are.

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Our two democracies, the United States and
Germany, possess the abundant political and

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economic capital and the power that can only
be garnered by free societies.

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We have a duty – each of us – to use all
we have to defend what was so hard-won in

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1776, in 1945, and in 1989.

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And we have to do it together.

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We have to do it together because it’s not
easy, and doing it alone is impossible.

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It’s never easy.

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It never is and it never will be.

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This is why we make a tough case about ensuring
that Germany doesn’t become dependent on

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Russian energy.

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We don’t want Europe’s energy supplies
to be dependent on Vladimir Putin.

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It’s why we ask for more from all of our
NATO Allies, because Western, free nations

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have a responsibility to deter threats to
our people, and that we are only stronger

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together.

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It’s why President Trump asks every nation
to help pressure the revolutionary regime

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in Tehran to get back to the negotiating table
and get Iran to do this simple thing – to

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behave like a normal nation and not conduct
assassination campaigns right here in the

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heart of Europe.

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And it’s why I spend a fair amount of my
time talking about the risks that are presented

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to the world by the Chinese Communist Party,
its acquisition of sensitive technology firms

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and Chinese companies’ intent to build out
the world’s next networks.

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Your own intelligence chief said that Huawei
cannot be fully trusted, because it is subject

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to the power of the Chinese Communist Party.

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It’s why we must speak up when we see human
rights abuses inside of China, in Burma, in

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Iran and elsewhere, because if you don’t
lead, if America doesn’t lead, who will?

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Today, my fellow Americans and I rejoice with
the German people.

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The Wall is no more.

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But let us also not take lightly the threats
to our freedoms, the challenges that we all

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face from regimes, regimes that rule instead
of govern, regimes that crush rights instead

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of protect them, regimes for which this anniversary
is a fearful warning, not a cause for celebration.

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Those of us who want to spread freedom must
confront those that want to spread their vile

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ideology, to dominate free nations of the
world, and to subvert the rule of law, and

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to undermine the multilateral institutions
that matter so much to freedom.

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They want to turn them to their own political
ends.

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We have to collectively move forward, look
forward, and face this threat with our eyes

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wide open if we are to overcome it.

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I know that we will.

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It’s our duty to decide the terms on which
our people will live, and we want them to

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live in peace and in freedom.

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So let’s resolve today – all of us, those
of us in government, those of us in business

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– let us stand together in unity.

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Let us stand together as allies.

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Let us stand together as dear friends, as
we have always been.

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We’ve done it before.

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I am very, very confident that we will continue
to do it, and do it again and again.

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I hope God will bless each of you, God will
bless this great country Germany and our close

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friendship together.

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And I look forward to taking some questions
today.

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Thank you all so much.

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(Applause.)

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MS MULLER: Mr. Secretary, thanks very much
for a great speech.

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Fantastic to have you here.

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you, Nora.

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It’s great to be with you.

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MS MULLER: You mentioned President Reagan
a couple of times.

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In fact, he once said to an audience very
much like this one, “Before I refuse to

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take your questions, I’ll have a statement.”

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(Laughter.)

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So I am very happy that you agree to take
some questions, and that is a good —

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SECRETARY POMPEO: He might have had the better
line than I had.

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(Laughter.)

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It’s possible.

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We’ll see here in just a minute.

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MS MULLER: It’s a good line.

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So ladies and gentlemen, just to remind you
to write your questions on those little cards.

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We will come and collect them, and then we’ll
pick the smartest ones and the most difficult

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ones, probably.

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(Laughter.)

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So Mr. Secretary, you talked at length about
China.

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You mentioned this strategic and also ideological
rivalry between Washington and Beijing, and

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I am afraid to say that Marxism was probably
a German export to China, but that’s a different

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story.

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes.

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MS MULLER: So I was kind of trying to connect
the historical dots here.

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We’re sitting in front of Brandenburg Gate,
which was for a long time the symbol of the

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Cold War and became the symbol of the end
of the Cold War.

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Now, I wanted to ask you whether you think
that this Sino-American rivalry, is that the

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Cold War of the 21st century?

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SECRETARY POMPEO: So I wouldn’t characterize
it as a conflict between the United States

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and China.

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The Chinese people – we have a huge trade
relationship with China.

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So do German companies.

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The Chinese people are an innovative, smart,
capable set of people.

16:58.110 --> 16:59.110
It’s the Chinese Communist Party.

16:59.110 --> 17:00.110
And it’s not between the United States and
China.

17:00.110 --> 17:01.110
It’s the challenge between the Chinese Communist
Party and its authoritarian regime and freedom-loving

17:01.110 --> 17:02.110
peoples all across the world.

17:02.110 --> 17:03.110
You all can see it.

17:03.110 --> 17:04.110
Those of you who travel to China can see how
President Xi has moved their country in this

17:04.110 --> 17:05.110
direction.

17:05.110 --> 17:06.110
You just need to look at the fact that they
have put weapons systems now in the South

17:06.110 --> 17:07.110
China Sea.

17:07.110 --> 17:08.110
They are using information technology to do
credit scoring against their own peoples.

17:08.110 --> 17:09.110
That will extend to every individual whose
personal information they get access to.

17:09.110 --> 17:10.110
So as you think about networks, as you think
about who is going to control the rules of

17:10.110 --> 17:11.110
communications connectivity in the next decades,
you should think about whether you would have

17:11.110 --> 17:12.110
permitted the Soviet Union to control your
infrastructure, your network communications

17:12.110 --> 17:13.110
infrastructure.

17:13.110 --> 17:14.110
It’s a reasonable question.

17:14.110 --> 17:15.110
And so this challenge is to take the people
who value the rule of law, who want to preserve

17:15.110 --> 17:16.110
freedom, who despite authoritarianism, and
make sure that we are working together to

17:16.110 --> 17:17.110
push back against any regime that threatens
its own people and the world with this ideology.

17:17.110 --> 17:18.110
MS MULLER: That message is very much appreciated,
Mr. Secretary.

17:18.110 --> 17:19.110
And I think a lot of people in this room would
agree that we as Europeans and Americans have

17:19.110 --> 17:20.110
to stand together when we deal with that challenge.

17:20.110 --> 17:21.110
I mean, many opportunities in the rise of
China, but also a lot of challenges.

17:21.110 --> 17:22.110
So in doing so, wouldn’t it be better if
we were kind of not imposing tariffs on each

17:22.110 --> 17:23.110
other’s goods?

17:23.110 --> 17:24.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes.

17:24.110 --> 17:25.110
We wish you wouldn’t impose tariffs on us.

17:25.110 --> 17:26.110
Yes, we concur.

17:26.110 --> 17:27.110
(Laughter.)

17:27.110 --> 17:28.110
Absolutely.

17:28.110 --> 17:29.110
But President Trump’s been clear.

17:29.110 --> 17:30.110
He’s been very clear.

17:30.110 --> 17:31.110
Our ideal trade relationship with the European
Union would be to have no tariffs between

17:31.110 --> 17:32.110
either of our two countries, no non-tariff
barriers either, no hiding behind some regulatory

17:32.110 --> 17:33.110
framework that says somehow that American
agriculture isn’t safe for the European

17:33.110 --> 17:34.110
people to eat, right?

17:34.110 --> 17:35.110
This is not the way free peoples interact
and trade with each other, and this is what

17:35.110 --> 17:36.110
President Trump has been driving towards.

17:36.110 --> 17:37.110
We want increased trade with Europe.

17:37.110 --> 17:38.110
We want increased trade with India.

17:38.110 --> 17:39.110
But we want it to be conducted in a way that’s
consistent with the history of free trade

17:39.110 --> 17:40.110
around the world, where we join together and
we don’t try and protect our own industries,

17:40.110 --> 17:41.110
we compete freely and fairly.

17:41.110 --> 17:42.110
Sometimes European businesses will be more
successful than American businesses.

17:42.110 --> 17:43.110
So be it.

17:43.110 --> 17:44.110
Sometimes an American company will be more
successful.

17:44.110 --> 17:45.110
Often, you’ll not know which it is.

17:45.110 --> 17:46.110
There will be shareholders that come from
all across the world, from Europe and the

17:46.110 --> 17:47.110
United States, so it’s very complex.

17:47.110 --> 17:48.110
But as the sovereign states interact with
each other and trade across sovereign boundaries,

17:48.110 --> 17:49.110
the idea is that you have fair, free, reciprocal
trade with as little trade friction as you

17:49.110 --> 17:50.110
can possibly imagine, and allow competition
to flourish so that each of our peoples can

17:50.110 --> 17:51.110
continue to grow and prosper.

17:51.110 --> 17:52.110
That’s the mission set that our administration
is engaged in.

17:52.110 --> 17:53.110
MS MULLER: Right.

17:53.110 --> 17:54.110
I just wanted to make sure you’re not thinking
that we are worse than China.

17:54.110 --> 17:55.110
(Laughter.)

17:55.110 --> 17:56.110
So anyways —

17:56.110 --> 17:57.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: We ought not let the narrative
of some of the media out there get in the

17:57.110 --> 17:58.110
way of the reality, right?

17:58.110 --> 17:59.110
So that you’re somehow suggesting that there
was even a remote comparison in the way we

17:59.110 --> 18:00.110
think about the value sets that reside inside
the Chinese Communist Party and the value

18:00.110 --> 18:01.110
sets that we know and appreciate in Europe,
the democracies of Europe, they’re fundamentally

18:01.110 --> 18:02.110
different and America knows this.

18:02.110 --> 18:03.110
MS MULLER: So now over to your questions,
ladies and gentlemen, and here’s one about

18:03.110 --> 18:04.110
the future of Ukraine.

18:04.110 --> 18:05.110
I’d like to read that one out: “How committed
is the U.S. to peace and stability in Ukraine?

18:05.110 --> 18:06.110
Without any preconditions?”

18:06.110 --> 18:07.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Very.

18:07.110 --> 18:08.110
(Laughter.)

18:08.110 --> 18:09.110
MS MULLER: Very?

18:09.110 --> 18:10.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Very.

18:10.110 --> 18:11.110
Very committed.

18:11.110 --> 18:12.110
Yes, yes.

18:12.110 --> 18:13.110
It’s a project we have been working on.

18:13.110 --> 18:14.110
I remember I was at the Munich Security Conference
when I was a member of Congress in Kansas,

18:14.110 --> 18:15.110
and I remember pushing the topic, at this
time, was whether defensive weapons system

18:15.110 --> 18:16.110
would be provided to the Ukrainians.

18:16.110 --> 18:17.110
This must have been 2015 or ’16.

18:17.110 --> 18:18.110
And I remember, and I remember Germany deciding
it was a bad idea and America deciding it

18:18.110 --> 18:19.110
was a bad idea, President Obama deciding it
wasn’t something he wanted to do.

18:19.110 --> 18:20.110
In fact, President Trump has now not once,
not twice, but three times come to provide

18:20.110 --> 18:21.110
the tools so that the Ukrainian people can
protect themselves from Russian aggression

18:21.110 --> 18:22.110
in the Donbas.

18:22.110 --> 18:23.110
We’re proud of that.

18:23.110 --> 18:24.110
We think it makes sense.

18:24.110 --> 18:25.110
We think it makes sense for freedom.

18:25.110 --> 18:26.110
We think it makes sense for Europe and we
think it makes sense for the world and Ukrainian

18:26.110 --> 18:27.110
sovereignty.

18:27.110 --> 18:28.110
We’re very clear about our position on the
invasion of Crimea that happened in the previous

18:28.110 --> 18:29.110
administration and how it is we’re going
to work to develop a prosperous Ukraine that

18:29.110 --> 18:30.110
is less corrupt and capable of moving itself
towards the West.

18:30.110 --> 18:31.110
MS MULLER: Thank you.

18:31.110 --> 18:32.110
Here’s another one about Syria.

18:32.110 --> 18:33.110
So this in German so I have to translate as
we go alone.

18:33.110 --> 18:34.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: You can read in German and
I’ll just —

18:34.110 --> 18:35.110
MS MULLER: No, no, that’s fine.

18:35.110 --> 18:36.110
I’ll —

18:36.110 --> 18:37.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll give it my best shot.

18:37.110 --> 18:38.110
(Laughter.)

18:38.110 --> 18:39.110
Drank a few beers and – am I right?

18:39.110 --> 18:40.110
(Laughter.)

18:40.110 --> 18:41.110
I’ve got a chance.

18:41.110 --> 18:42.110
MS MULLER: So here we go.

18:42.110 --> 18:43.110
So in Syria, the U.S. exposed the Kurds to
the Turkish forces.

18:43.110 --> 18:44.110
That’s what it said.

18:44.110 --> 18:45.110
And it paved the way for Moscow to come in.

18:45.110 --> 18:46.110
So has that done harm to the credibility of
U.S. foreign policy?

18:46.110 --> 18:47.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, I mean, it just – I
think that doesn’t frame the question properly.

18:47.110 --> 18:48.110
The United States didn’t do that.

18:48.110 --> 18:49.110
The United States, in fact, provided enormous
resources to the SDF and to the Kurds, resources

18:49.110 --> 18:50.110
that no other nation, including any European
nation, was prepared to provide them.

18:50.110 --> 18:51.110
And we did so alongside of you.

18:51.110 --> 18:52.110
There were French partners that joined us.

18:52.110 --> 18:53.110
There were British partners that joined us.

18:53.110 --> 18:54.110
We’re proud of that work.

18:54.110 --> 18:55.110
We destroyed the caliphate.

18:55.110 --> 18:56.110
When President Trump came into office, they
owned real estate that amounted to the size

18:56.110 --> 18:57.110
– it doesn’t mean as much – I should
have picked a German state – but the size

18:57.110 --> 18:58.110
of Ohio.

18:58.110 --> 18:59.110
They owned it.

18:59.110 --> 19:00.110
They controlled it.

19:00.110 --> 19:01.110
They raised taxes.

19:01.110 --> 19:02.110
They governed.

19:02.110 --> 19:03.110
They had schools and hospitals and medical
facilities.

19:03.110 --> 19:04.110
This is the terrorists that were beheading
people simultaneously.

19:04.110 --> 19:05.110
When we came to office, that was the condition
in the eastern part of Syria, the northeastern

19:05.110 --> 19:06.110
part of Syria that is – has a Kurdish majority.

19:06.110 --> 19:07.110
This administration provided the resources
to the Kurds so that that would not occur.

19:07.110 --> 19:08.110
We’re very proud of that and we’re continuing
to provide them support.

19:08.110 --> 19:09.110
We’re doing it because we have a vested
interest.

19:09.110 --> 19:10.110
We think Europe has an interest in this as
well.

19:10.110 --> 19:11.110
There are hundreds and hundreds of foreign
terrorist fighters that are going to have

19:11.110 --> 19:12.110
to go somewhere.

19:12.110 --> 19:13.110
We need each nation to thoughtfully consider
whether it’s appropriate for them to come

19:13.110 --> 19:14.110
back so that they can prosecute them there,
so that they don’t roam free, that our kids

19:14.110 --> 19:15.110
and grandkids don’t have to fight them again.

19:15.110 --> 19:16.110
And the United States is committed.

19:16.110 --> 19:17.110
Wherever we find radical Islamic terrorism,
we’ll continue to stay at it.

19:17.110 --> 19:18.110
You’ve seen President Trump’s actions
in the last few weeks.

19:18.110 --> 19:19.110
We’re going to take the appropriate response
so that the ISIS fighters can’t get a hold

19:19.110 --> 19:20.110
of the oil fields there.

19:20.110 --> 19:21.110
But just as I spoke to in my speech, we need
friends around the world who care about freedom

19:21.110 --> 19:22.110
and who want to help us fight terror around
the world.

19:22.110 --> 19:23.110
We need them to join us.

19:23.110 --> 19:24.110
These can’t be American propositions alone.

19:24.110 --> 19:25.110
They need to be done by all of us who care
so much.

19:25.110 --> 19:26.110
Europe has the real risk that if we don’t
get this right that there’ll be enormous

19:26.110 --> 19:27.110
migration from this region into Europe.

19:27.110 --> 19:28.110
We want – and I think European countries
want – them to be able to live in their

19:28.110 --> 19:29.110
own country.

19:29.110 --> 19:30.110
We want – right?

19:30.110 --> 19:31.110
They want to live in their own country.

19:31.110 --> 19:32.110
And we need to do the things we can do to
take down this terrorist threat so that we

19:32.110 --> 19:33.110
can get a political resolution inside of Syria
and so that the people, now some 6 million

19:33.110 --> 19:34.110
who have been displaced, can return to their
homes.

19:34.110 --> 19:35.110
MS MULLER: Right.

19:35.110 --> 19:36.110
But let me press you a bit more on that Syria
issue still, Mr. Secretary.

19:36.110 --> 19:37.110
After that withdrawal happened, I had a —

19:37.110 --> 19:38.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: But – no —

19:38.110 --> 19:39.110
MS MULLER: Whatever you —

19:39.110 --> 19:40.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: That’s the wrong verb.

19:40.110 --> 19:41.110
MS MULLER: Okay.

19:41.110 --> 19:42.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: And it’s important.

19:42.110 --> 19:43.110
It’s important.

19:43.110 --> 19:44.110
MS MULLER: That pullback.

19:44.110 --> 19:45.110
(Laughter.)

19:45.110 --> 19:46.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: It’s not – it’s again
– it’s – we are doing – we are performing

19:46.110 --> 19:47.110
the mission set.

19:47.110 --> 19:48.110
President Erdogan made a decision to conduct
an incursion into Turkey [1].

19:48.110 --> 19:49.110
We opposed that.

19:49.110 --> 19:50.110
So did the German Government.

19:50.110 --> 19:51.110
So did the French Government.

19:51.110 --> 19:52.110
President Erdogan made that decision.

19:52.110 --> 19:53.110
We have made the strategic decision that we’re
going to continue the counter-ISIS campaign

19:53.110 --> 19:54.110
there.

19:54.110 --> 19:55.110
MS MULLER: Right.

19:55.110 --> 19:56.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: That’s what’s happening
in Syria today.

19:56.110 --> 19:57.110
We’re there.

19:57.110 --> 19:58.110
Young men and women that work for the American
Department of Defense are putting their lives

19:58.110 --> 19:59.110
at risk there today.

19:59.110 --> 20:00.110
Young officers that work for me in the United
States Department of State are on the ground

20:00.110 --> 20:01.110
in Syria today.

20:01.110 --> 20:02.110
We need you all to join us.

20:02.110 --> 20:03.110
If you care, if it matters so much, as the
question suggests – and I would concur that

20:03.110 --> 20:04.110
the questioner’s predicate suggested it
is important, and I agree – we need each

20:04.110 --> 20:05.110
country to go to their people and make the
case why this is an important challenge worthy

20:05.110 --> 20:06.110
of undertaking, worthy of putting people’s
lives at risk, our own citizens’ lives at

20:06.110 --> 20:07.110
risk.

20:07.110 --> 20:08.110
MS MULLER: Right.

20:08.110 --> 20:09.110
No, that message is understood.

20:09.110 --> 20:10.110
But still, when the Syria thing occurred,
I had the chance to travel to the region,

20:10.110 --> 20:11.110
in fact, and I talked to a number of people,
and some of them – U.S. allies – and they

20:11.110 --> 20:12.110
were kind of concerned.

20:12.110 --> 20:13.110
And they told me, “Nora, we start to think
that Russia is maybe the more reliable ally

20:13.110 --> 20:14.110
in the region than is the U.S.”

20:14.110 --> 20:15.110
Is that something that concerns you, or are
they completely —

20:15.110 --> 20:16.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes, it does concern me.

20:16.110 --> 20:17.110
When people are irrational, it always concerns
me.

20:17.110 --> 20:18.110
Yeah, to think of Russia as a worthy partner
engaged in the same undertaking that we all

20:18.110 --> 20:19.110
are – taking down the threat of terrorism
around the world or promoting freedom and

20:19.110 --> 20:20.110
prosperity and the economic well-being of
citizens around the world – to think that

20:20.110 --> 20:21.110
Russia would remotely be a partner anything
like the United States or anything like a

20:21.110 --> 20:22.110
European country is irrational.

20:22.110 --> 20:23.110
And so yes, I am concerned.

20:23.110 --> 20:24.110
When people are irrational, it always bothers
me.

20:24.110 --> 20:25.110
MS MULLER: Okay.

20:25.110 --> 20:26.110
So here’s another question from the audience.

20:26.110 --> 20:27.110
It’s about Hong Kong, in fact, and I’ll
read it out: “You said freedom will prevail.

20:27.110 --> 20:28.110
What is your advice to Hong Kong demonstrators
right now?

20:28.110 --> 20:29.110
Settle for what they have achieved peacefully
or continue to struggle?”

20:29.110 --> 20:30.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: This will be up to the human
spirit, the people of Hong Kong.

20:30.110 --> 20:31.110
We have made very clear to the leadership
in China that it’s our expectation that

20:31.110 --> 20:32.110
the Chinese Government will honor their commitment.

20:32.110 --> 20:33.110
They made a promise to the people in the region
that they would adhere to a fundamental system

20:33.110 --> 20:34.110
that allowed a difference – there would
be one country and two systems.

20:34.110 --> 20:35.110
We’ve asked the Chinese Government to maintain
the promise that they made, that they made

20:35.110 --> 20:36.110
to their own people.

20:36.110 --> 20:37.110
And as for the people of Hong Kong, they’ll
make their own decision.

20:37.110 --> 20:38.110
They’ll find their own path forward.

20:38.110 --> 20:39.110
We have suggested to all the parties in the
region that violence is a bad idea, but the

20:39.110 --> 20:40.110
struggle for freedom continues.

20:40.110 --> 20:41.110
We see it not just in Hong Kong.

20:41.110 --> 20:42.110
We see it in the streets of Beirut.

20:42.110 --> 20:43.110
We see it in the streets of Baghdad, where
peoples are rising up against the Islamic

20:43.110 --> 20:44.110
Republic of Iran.

20:44.110 --> 20:45.110
They want to be Iraqi.

20:45.110 --> 20:46.110
They want to be Lebanese, not Hizballah.

20:46.110 --> 20:47.110
They want to be Iraqi, not part of a Iranian
militia.

20:47.110 --> 20:48.110
I think that those of us who are freedom-loving
peoples all across the world need to support

20:48.110 --> 20:49.110
those people wherever we can and make sure
that they have the capacity and the tools

20:49.110 --> 20:50.110
to achieve the outcomes that they choose to
seek.

20:50.110 --> 20:51.110
MS MULLER: And will the U.S. come to those
demonstrators’ aid at some point?

20:51.110 --> 20:52.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: I don’t want to get out
in front of any policy decision that we’ve

20:52.110 --> 20:53.110
made.

20:53.110 --> 20:54.110
In the end – the world has the obligation
to provide the capacity and the guidance – but

20:54.110 --> 20:55.110
in the end, these peoples will lead these
struggles successfully.

20:55.110 --> 20:56.110
(Inaudible) I was with some amazing people
last night who were in East Germany, and they

20:56.110 --> 20:57.110
talked about their prayer gatherings, because
the churches were the only place that they

20:57.110 --> 20:58.110
could go to get themselves away from the stares
of the Communists, of the Stasi.

20:58.110 --> 20:59.110
It’s amazing.

20:59.110 --> 21:00.110
It’s amazing what freedom and the yearning
for freedom inside those peoples did.

21:00.110 --> 21:01.110
I’m convinced that there are people all
around the world who want this same thing,

21:01.110 --> 21:02.110
and that we – our obligation, those of us
who value those freedoms – our obligation

21:02.110 --> 21:03.110
is to provide them the support that they need
when we can and where we can.

21:03.110 --> 21:04.110
MS MULLER: So here’s a very short and concise
question.

21:04.110 --> 21:05.110
It’s about NATO: “Is NATO —

21:05.110 --> 21:06.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: I’m for it.

21:06.110 --> 21:07.110
(Laughter and applause.)

21:07.110 --> 21:08.110
MS MULLER: For the record.

21:08.110 --> 21:09.110
(Applause.)

21:09.110 --> 21:10.110
So I think you’ve already kind of preempted
that.

21:10.110 --> 21:11.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: There you go.

21:11.110 --> 21:12.110
MS MULLER: But I’ll read it out anyways.

21:12.110 --> 21:13.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: All right.

21:13.110 --> 21:14.110
MS MULLER: So is NATO obsolete or brain-dead,
or both or neither?

21:14.110 --> 21:15.110
(Laughter.)

21:15.110 --> 21:16.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: So yes – (laughter) – so
many good answers, so many cameras.

21:16.110 --> 21:17.110
Yes.

21:17.110 --> 21:18.110
(Laughter.)

21:18.110 --> 21:19.110
So 70 years on NATO now, it needs to grow
and change.

21:19.110 --> 21:20.110
It needs to confront the realities of today
and the challenge of today.

21:20.110 --> 21:21.110
They’re different – they’re fundamentally
different.

21:21.110 --> 21:22.110
When German soldiers patrolled the Fulda Gap,
it was a different time than it is today.

21:22.110 --> 21:23.110
And so NATO runs always the risk that it will
become obsolete – not because the partnership,

21:23.110 --> 21:24.110
not because the political commitments will
ever become – I don’t think as between

21:24.110 --> 21:25.110
– in the transatlantic – those commitments
between our countries will ever become obsolete.

21:25.110 --> 21:26.110
But it does run that risk if it doesn’t
do the things it needs to do to confront the

21:26.110 --> 21:27.110
challenges of today in a way that is effective.

21:27.110 --> 21:28.110
If nations believe that they can get the security
benefit without providing NATO the resources

21:28.110 --> 21:29.110
that it needs, if they don’t live up to
their commitments, there is a risk that NATO

21:29.110 --> 21:30.110
could become ineffective or obsolete.

21:30.110 --> 21:31.110
So we need to be mindful.

21:31.110 --> 21:32.110
It’s what I spoke about today.

21:32.110 --> 21:33.110
These things – we can never take these things
for granted.

21:33.110 --> 21:34.110
We can never assume that because there is
this infrastructure, this beautiful building

21:34.110 --> 21:35.110
that sits in Brussels, that it will exist
and that it will of its own force, just by

21:35.110 --> 21:36.110
the nature of it, will continue to be relevant
and important and effective.

21:36.110 --> 21:37.110
We need to work and be thoughtful and challenge
the underlying presumptions that we’ve built

21:37.110 --> 21:38.110
upon and say, “How do we ensure that this
structure is appropriate 70 years on?”

21:38.110 --> 21:39.110
If we do that, NATO and the political alliances
that underlay it will continue to be incredibly

21:39.110 --> 21:40.110
valuable to each of our peoples.

21:40.110 --> 21:41.110
MS MULLER: And 10 years from now, we will
be sitting here together celebrating NATO’s

21:41.110 --> 21:42.110
80th birthday?

21:42.110 --> 21:43.110
SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes, me in my wheelchair.

21:43.110 --> 21:44.110
It’ll all be good.

21:44.110 --> 21:45.110
(Laughter.)

21:45.110 --> 21:46.110
MS MULLER: Mr. Secretary, I have one more
question that I wanted to ask you.

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It’s not about foreign – yeah, it’s
a little bit about foreign policy, actually.

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So you played basketball during high school,
and I am told you played forward.

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Power forward, yes.

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MS MULLER: Yeah.

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So I wanted to ask you what do a – or what
does a power forward have in common with a

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foreign minister?

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, so that was a joke.

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At 5’11” I wasn’t much of a power forward.

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(Laughter.)

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Well under two meters, yes.

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You learn a lot, I think, playing team sports
in that way, because I think you come to appreciate

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that you can have a star that can carry you
a long ways, but if you don’t figure out

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how to make one plus one equal 2.2 or 2.3,
if you can’t build a team that collectively

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can deliver, you’ll only rise so far.

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I think the same thing sitting as America’s
foreign minister, as the Secretary of State.

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I think the same thing, if – the United
States can do a lot.

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We’re a capable nation.

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We can achieve a lot of good things for our
people.

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But we need partners and allies around the
world to do this together.

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It’s a competitive landscape, much like
in basketball.

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Some years one team has a little bit more
power, more capacity, more influence, and

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a decade later, no more.

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That doesn’t happen by chance.

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It happens because good peoples gather together
to go deliver a team’s outcome, go deliver

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against a mission set.

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In basketball, it’s simple: Score more than
the other team.

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In national security and foreign policy space,
it’s to make sure we understand why it is

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we’re doing what we’re doing, why it is
our value set matters, and then communicate

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that.

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Every leader’s obligation – it’s easy
to do, by the way – it’s easy to ignore.

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Every leader’s obligation is to go back
to their home village, city, state, and make

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the case for why the expenditure of resources,
time, talent, lives, why that’s necessary,

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to make the case for why if we don’t do
it the next generation won’t have all the

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things that our kids have today.

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The same thing is true in sports.

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If you don’t make the case about why it
is you’re trying to build out a team in

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a certain way, then you are at some risk of
failure.

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I think the analogy might be carried a little
bit too far, but I do think it’s absolutely

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imperative that we identify what the competition
looks like, what the threats are, what our

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adversaries are trying to do, and then build
our collective efforts to ensure that our

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way of life, the way of lives that we all
care so deeply about, is still around 20,

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40, and 50 years in from now.

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(Applause.)

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MS MULLER: So it’s really all about being
a good team.

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On this note, Mr. Secretary, thank you very,
very much.

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It’s been an immense honor and a great pleasure
to have you with us at the Koerber Foundation.

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Thank you very much.

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Thank you, everyone, for joining us, for actively
listening, and for the great questions.

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And I can only say let’s keep talking to
each other, with each other, rather than about

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one another.

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Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Amen.

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Thank you all so much.

